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on time; and only very steep fines seem to have had any significant effect on <br />overdue occurrences. <br />While not conducted in a public library environment, Mitchell and Smith's <br />(2005) experiment in an academic library is worth noting. They attempted to <br />determine whether rewards, rather than punitive fines, affected the timely return <br />of academic library materials. Even the presence of rewards as incentives did <br />not influence the promptness, or lack thereof, of students in returning <br />materials. Also in academia, librarians at Vancouver Island University removed <br />fines to determine if this might improve use of the physical collection by their <br />student population of non-traditional, adult and first generation students (Reed, <br />Blackburn & Sifton, 2014). The authors reported the removal of overdue fines did <br />not increase circulation, but the collection wasn't "pillaged," and there was no <br />increase in overdue items. The authors believe "fines are a contentious topic <br />among librarians, with many strongly held beliefs about their effectiveness <br />backed by little evidence" (p. 275). <br />In seeking to determine why borrowing rates were down in libraries in the <br />United Kingdom, Breslin and McMenemy (2006) conducted a survey of patrons <br />and found that library rules, restrictive hours and "not feeling welcome" were all <br />factors in the decline. Clayton and Chapman (2009) reported on a survey of <br />public libraries in England and Wales. Like Burgin and Hansel, these authors <br />found a lack of published research on the attitudes toward, and the <br />effectiveness of, fines and fees in public libraries. Instead, they highlighted a <br />7 <br />